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��ࡱ�>�� u �r�5}bjbj�n�n2��a��a't ��""��8��,��tl�� 3t5t5t5t5t5t5t$8v��xfyt-� yt��4�t�� j��3t� 3t��0�lb��w�t�t0�t�4y��4y��^34y��p4 � ytyteh �t ��4y "qs: the american political science review volume 117, issue 1, february 2023 1. title: canvassing the gatekeepers: a field experiment to increase women voters� turnout in pakistan authors: ali cheema, sarah khan, asad liaqat, shandana khan mohmand abstract: how can we close persistent gender gaps in political participation? we develop a theory highlighting the role of male household members as �gatekeepers� of women�s participation in patriarchal settings and argue that the answer involves targeting these men. we conduct a field experiment in pakistan and find that targeting women with a nonpartisan get-out-the-vote campaign has no effect on their turnout in a national election. however, women�s turnout increases substantially when male household members are canvassed to support women�s participation. households where both men and women are canvassed see the largest increases in women�s turnout and additional increases in political discussion and men�s practical support to help women vote. using a costly behavioral measure, we also demonstrate lasting effects on men�s supportive behavior in these households two months after the election. our results address the importance, and tangible benefits, of engaging men to ease constraints that hinder equal participation. 2. title: intrinsic social incentives in state and non-state armed groups authors: michael j. gilligan, prabin khadka, cyrus samii abstract: how do non-state armed groups (nsags) survive and even thrive in situations where state armed groups (sags) collapse, despite the former�s often greater material adversity? we argue that, optimizing under their different constraints, sags invest more in technical military training and nsags invest more in enhancing soldiers� intrinsic payoffs from serving their group. therefore, willingness to contribute to the group should be more positively correlated with years of service in nsags than in sags. we confirm this hypothesis with lab-in-the-field and qualitative evidence from sag and nsag soldiers in nepal, ivory coast, and kurdistan. each field study addresses specific inferential weaknesses in the others. assembled together, these cases reduce concerns about external validity or replicability. our findings reveal how the basis of nsag cohesion differs from that of sags, with implications for strategies to counter nsag mobilization. 3. title: land and legibility: when do citizens expect secure property rights in weak states? authors: karen e. ferree, lauren honig, ellen lust, melanie l. phillips abstract: legibility and political authority are often conflated in debates over formalization processes, including land titling. this can lead to a fundamental misunderstanding of what it is that citizens anticipate would strengthen their property rights. this study examines the effects of legibility on citizens� evaluations of property rights in malawi, a country with limited but increasing land titling. we argue that legibility is a strategic resource for citizens, which has value in itself. to disentangle the effects of legibility and authority on tenure security, we employ a survey experiment. our findings show that respondents perceived land with written property rights to be more secure and more desirable regardless of whether a state or customary authority granted these land rights. in contrast to scholarship that examines legibility as a technology of state control, this research suggests that legibility can help citizens advance their interests. 4. title: stadl up! the spatiotemporal autoregressive distributed lag model for tscs data analysis authors: scott j. cook, jude c. hays, robert j. franzese, jr. abstract: time-series cross-section (tscs) data are prevalent in political science, yet many distinct challenges presented by tscs data remain underaddressed. we focus on how dependence in both space and time complicates estimating either spatial or temporal dependence, dynamics, and effects. little is known about how modeling one of temporal or cross-sectional dependence well while neglecting the other affects results in tscs analysis. we demonstrate analytically and through simulations how misspecification of either temporal or spatial dependence inflates estimates of the other dimension�s dependence and thereby induces biased estimates and tests of other covariate effects. therefore, we recommend the spatiotemporal autoregressive distributed lag (stadl) model with distributed lags in both space and time as an effective general starting point for tscs model specification. we illustrate with two example reanalyses and provide r code to facilitate researchers� implementation�from automation of common spatial-weights matrices (w) through estimated spatiotemporal effects/response calculations�for their own tscs analyses. 5. title: measuring misperceptions? authors: matthew h. graham abstract: survey data are commonly cited as evidence of widespread misperceptions and misinformed beliefs. this paper shows that surveys generally fail to identify the firm, deep, steadfast, confidently held beliefs described in leading accounts. instead, even those who report 100% certain belief in falsehoods about well-studied topics like climate change, vaccine side effects, and the covid-19 death toll exhibit substantial response instability over time. similar levels of response stability are observed among those who report 100% certain belief in benign, politically uncontested falsehoods�for example, that electrons are larger than atoms and that lasers work by focusing sound waves. as opposed to firmly held misperceptions, claims to be highly certain of incorrect answers are best interpreted as �miseducated� guesses based on mistaken inferential reasoning. those reporting middling and low levels of certainty are best viewed as making close-to-blind guesses. these findings recast existing evidence as to the prevalence, predictors, correction, and consequences of misperceptions and misinformed beliefs. 6. title: the effect of gender on interruptions at congressional hearings authors: michael g. miller, joseph l. sutherland abstract: women in congress are highly effective legislators. yet, if women are more likely than men to be interrupted during committee work, they may face a gender-related impediment. we examine speech patterns during more than 24,000 congressional committee hearings from 1994 to 2018 to determine whether women members are more likely to be interrupted than men. we find that they are. this is especially true in senate committees�where women are about 10% more likely to be interrupted. furthermore, in hearings that discuss women�s issues, women are more than twice as likely to be interrupted than while discussing other issues. we see a similar pattern for rapid-fire �interruption clusters,� an aggressive form of interruption. we further consider a range of moderating factors, which yields little evidence that women change their communication strategy as they gain experience in congress. we also find suggestive evidence that interruptions are driven by mixed-gender interactions. 7. title: how are politicians informed? witnesses and information provision in congress authors: pamela ban, ju yeon park, hye young you abstract: how are politicians informed and who do politicians seek information from? the role of information has been at the center for research on legislative organizations but there is a lack of systematic empirical work on the information that congress seeks to acquire and consider. to examine the information flow between congress and external groups, we construct the most comprehensive dataset to date on 74,082 congressional committee hearings and 755,540 witnesses spanning 1960�2018. we show descriptive patterns of how witness composition varies across time and committee and how different types of witnesses provide varying levels of analytical information. we develop theoretical expectations for why committees may invite different types of witnesses based on committee intent, interbranch relations, and congressional capacity. our empirical evidence shows how committees� partisan considerations can affect how much committees turn to outsiders for information and from whom they seek information. 8. title: the marketplace of ideas and the agora: herodotus on the power of isegoria authors: lindsay mahon rathnam abstract: popular discourse about freedom of speech tends to default to the metaphor of the marketplace of ideas, notwithstanding empirical evidence undermining this concept. its persistence illustrates the profound attachment freedom of speech inspires, despite the difficulty of justifying it in epistemic terms. i suggest that the ancient greek historian herodotus offers a compelling alternative to the marketplace metaphor with his account of isegoria at athens. in herodotus�s telling, athenian equal right of speech is worthwhile not because of its effects on speech but because of its effect on political culture; equal speech energizes the athenians and athens. he thus offers a nonepistemic defense of the right to speak, defending it instead in terms of power and belonging. yet his account also highlights how athenian equal speech unleashes political harms and therefore offers a way to defend free speech without minimizing its dangers. herodotus thus helps us productively reframe contemporary free speech debates. 9. title: �this hearing should be flipped�: democratic spectatorship, social media, and the problem of demagogic candor authors: boris litvin abstract: how concerning should it be that most citizens encounter political life chiefly as audiences? facing this fact, democratic theorists increasingly respond by reconceptualizing �the spectator� as an empowered agent. yet this response risks overlooking how evolving forms of media reconstitute audiences in ways that undermine efforts to ascribe agency to any given spectating activity. to illustrate this problem, i consider jeffrey green�s idealization of candor, which holds spectators to be empowered when leaders are denied scripted appearances. in contrast, i show that social media occasion a case of irreverent candor wherein spectators claim authenticity by derailing online conversations, thereby valorizing a kind of unscriptedness that perpetuates outgroup marginalization and facilitates demagogy. paradoxically, such candor disempowers spectators while rendering them more �active� agents. i thus argue that empowerment requires audiences to interrogate their own spectating practices�a possibility i locate in hannah arendt�s thought and interactions surrounding black lives matter protests. 10. title: prejudiced when climbing up or when falling down? why some people of color express anti-black racism authors: efr�n p�rez, crystal robertson, bianca vicu�a abstract: we contend that some people of color express anti-black prejudice to cope with their own marginalization. individuals stationed along an in-group�s periphery are often motivated to exclude others to bolster their own belonging in a community. yet this process is sometimes triggered when individuals feel they are losing their marginal position. we examine these dynamics in the context of latino prejudice toward black individuals, with american as the in-group. study 1 shows stronger american identity among latinos is associated with anti-black racism, which then correlates with weaker support for black-centered policies. studies 2 and 3 induce latinos to feel more american, which sometimes increases anti-black prejudice and decreases support for pro-black policies. study 4 causes latinos to feel less american, which powerfully heightens anti-black racism and drastically undercuts support for black-centered policies. these patterns are generally conditioned by ideology, with liberal latinos exhibiting more sensitivity to their rank as american. 11. title: �it�s like shouting to a brick wall�: normative whiteness and racism in the european parliament authors: johanna kantola, anna elom�ki, barbara gaweda, cherry miller, petra ahrens, valentine berthet abstract: there is a notable gap in the academic literature on racism within european union institutions. this article scrutinizes racism and normative whiteness in one of these institutions�namely, the european parliament. the article asks how european whiteness, as a norm, is related to and sustains racism in the european parliament and how this affects efforts to tackle racism and formulate internal antiracist practices within the institution. the research material consists of interviews, parliamentary ethnography, and official document data, and the empirical analysis is divided into three levels: individual, political group, and parliamentary. an important contribution is to demonstrate the techniques of reproducing whiteness as an institutional norm and racialized power relations in the european parliament. this avoids linking racism to only the actions and attitudes of individuals and enables the article to address how racism is reproduced through the parliament as an institution. 12. title: the representational consequences of municipal civil service reform authors: nicholas kuipers, alexander sahn abstract: a prominent argument holds that the chief purpose of municipal civil service reform in the united states was to dislodge the overrepresentation of recent immigrants in city government. using new data on all municipal employees from 1850 to 1940 and employing three research designs, we detect no evidence that the share of local government jobs held by foreign-born whites decreased following the introduction of reforms. instead, we show that foreign-born whites�irish immigrants in particular�experienced substantial gains in local government employment, concentrated in blue-collar occupations in small- and medium-sized municipalities. our results call for a revisionist interpretation of progressive era reforms by questioning generalizations drawn from the experience of the largest cities in the united states. for most municipalities, instead, civil service reform in fact opened avenues to representation for members of foreign-born constituencies who had previously been locked out of government jobs. 13. title: greed, envy, and admiration: the distinct nature of public opinion about redistribution from the rich authors: kristina jessen hansen abstract: research on public opinion about economic redistribution has made important progress by incorporating the psychological microfoundation that shapes support for redistribution to the poor. however, one piece is missing: the microfoundation shaping support for redistribution from the rich. i provide a novel theory about this facet of redistributive attitudes and how it is distinct. observational data from three nationally representative samples in two different welfare systems and an experiment show that attitudes about taking from the rich are mainly driven by perceptions of their prosociality�whether they are greedy or generous. this contrasts with public opinion about giving to the poor that is mainly driven by perceptions of the efforts of poor people. furthermore, while compassion shapes attitudes about giving to the poor, the emotions of admiration and envy shape attitudes about taking from the rich. these findings have important theoretical and empirical implications for public opinion about economic redistribution. 14. title: development in decolonization: walter rodney, third world developmentalism, and �decolonizing political theory� authors: david myer temin abstract: developmentalism is the idea that progress entails the temporal movement of societies along a universal trajectory. prevailing accounts conceptualize eurocentric developmental discourses as ideological weapons of imperial domination, specifically because they defer colonial claims to popular self-rule. rejecting the idea that these historical entanglements exhaust the meanings of developmental thought, this article sheds light on anticolonial debates over developmentalism. turning to guyanese scholar-activist walter rodney, it reconstructs what i call �popular anticolonial developmentalism,� as a way of construing popular legitimation in actual contexts of anticolonial and postcolonial politics. from the premise that capitalist-imperialism �deflected� the historical motion of colonized societies, popular anticolonial developmentalism places the agencies of progressive transformation with democratically empowered popular subjects. shifting the lens of �decolonizing political theory� from epistemic critique to worldly anticolonialism shows how developmentalism became a primary idiom for contesting and reimagining anticolonial futures. in turn, anticolonial practices reshaped developmentalism�s very conceptual parameters. 15. title: liberal plebeianism: john stuart mill on democracy, oligarchy, and working-class mobilization authors: gordon arlen abstract: how should democratic societies address inequality in an age of plutocratic encroachment and populist indignation? what role should popular movements play in progressive reform efforts? this article turns to the nineteenth-century liberalism of john stuart mill for insights on an essential challenge facing democracy today: how to mobilize social movements against intensifying oligarchic threats while safeguarding liberal-democratic values. i advance a novel reading of mill as a proponent of �liberal plebeianism��that is, as an activist-theorist who confronted the threat of oligarchy by promoting working-class mobilization within a liberal, parliamentary framework. i trace two discourses within mill�s writings and speeches: an antioligarchic discourse focused on countering �sinister interests� and a mobilization discourse focused on working-class incorporation. both follow from mill�s conviction that liberal reformers should operate as �tribunes of the poor.� this reading helps to clarify mill�s contested legacy and provides potential resources for understanding how a plebeian orientation might enliven liberal democracy today. 16. title: policing, democratic participation, and the reproduction of asymmetric citizenship authors: yanilda gonz�lez, lindsay mayka abstract: can democratic participation reduce inequalities in citizenship produced by policing? we argue that citizen participation in policing produces a paradox, which we call asymmetric citizenship. for some citizens, expanding participation in policing expands citizenship by enhancing state responsiveness to demands. yet citizen participation in policing often produces demands to repress marginalized groups, thereby contracting their citizenship rights. we theorize that formal spaces for citizen participation in policing produce asymmetric citizenship through three mechanisms: (1) defining some groups as �virtuous citizens� and labeling marginalized groups as �security threats,� (2) gatekeeping to amplify the voice of �virtuous citizens� while silencing marginalized groups, and (3) articulating demands for police repression of marginalized groups to protect the rights of �virtuous citizens.� we illustrate the framework through a qualitative analysis of s�o paulo�s community security councils. our analysis elucidates mechanisms through which democratic participation can reproduce, rather than ameliorate, inequality in policing. 17. title: the politics of police data: state legislative capacity and the transparency of state and substate agencies authors: scott j. cook, david fortunato abstract: police, like other bureaucratic agencies, are responsible for collecting and disseminating policy-relevant data. nonetheless, critical data, including killings by police, often go unreported. we argue that this is due in part to the limited oversight capacity of legislative bodies to whom police are accountable. although many local assemblies lack the means for effective oversight, well-resourced state legislatures may induce transparency from state and substate agencies. this argument is evaluated in two studies of police transparency in the united states. first, we examine the compliance of 19,095 state, county, and municipal police agencies with official data requests over five decades, finding strong positive effects of state legislative capacity on transparency. second, we examine the accuracy of transmitted data on killings by police, finding that lethality is systematically underreported in states with lower-capacity legislatures. collectively, our study has implications for research on policing, legislatures, agency control, and analyses of government data. 18. title: policy threat, partisanship, and the case of the affordable care act authors: suzanne mettler, lawrence r. jacobs, ling zhu abstract: how do political conditions influence whether public support develops for a new policy? specifically, does the presence of partisan polarization and a viable threat to a policy�s continuation prevent the emergence of such support? we propose a theoretical framework that considers how policy feedback may be affected by the presence or absence of both policy threat and polarization. we argue that a threat is likely to increase policy salience and trigger loss aversion, expanding policy feedback even amid strong partisanship. we examine the threat to the affordable care act after republicans won control of congress and the white house and stood poised to act on their long promise to repeal the law. five waves of panel data permit analysis of how individuals� responses to the law changed over time, affecting their support for it as well as their voting calculations. the results suggest that policy threat heightens the effect of policy feedback for some populations while depressing it for others, in some cases mitigating partisan polarization, and overall boosting program support. 19. title: the effect of pregnancy on engagement with politics. toward a model of the political consequences of the earliest stages of parenthood authors: elin naurin, dietlind stolle, elias markstedt abstract: how do pregnancy and childbirth affect engagement in politics and society? our data from a large-scale citizen panel record political engagement before, during, and after pregnancy for (future) mothers and fathers. we find that women demobilize from politics and societal issues during pregnancy. this disengagement is strongest for indicators of political participation and seeking of political news. our analysis also shows that gender gaps in political engagement are not only strengthened but also partly created in the earliest stages of parenthood. although the effects are relatively minor, they are robust to various analysis techniques. some effects also last until the child grows older. pregnancy and childbirth rarely lead to political mobilization, and when they do, they concern child-related activities, such as attempts to change daycare providers, but only at later stages of early parenthood. 20. title: can�t we all just get along? how women mps can ameliorate affective polarization in western publics authors: james adams, david bracken, noam gidron, will horne, diana z. o�brien, kaitlin senk abstract: concern over partisan resentment and hostility has increased across western democracies. despite growing attention to affective polarization, existing research fails to ask whether who serves in office affects mass-level interparty hostility. drawing on scholarship on women�s behavior as elected representatives and citizens� beliefs about women politicians, we posit the women mps affective bonus hypothesis: all else being equal, partisans display warmer affect toward out-parties with higher proportions of women mps. we evaluate this claim with an original dataset on women�s presence in 125 political parties in 20 western democracies from 1996 to 2017 combined with survey data on partisans� affective ratings of political opponents. we show that women�s representation is associated with lower levels of partisan hostility and that both men and women partisans react positively to out-party women mps. increasing women�s parliamentary presence could thus mitigate cross-party hostility. 21. title: does the international criminal court target the american military? authors: daniel krcmaric abstract: american policymakers have been wary of the international criminal court (icc) since its founding. united states� opposition is largely due to the fear that the icc might initiate biased investigations that target members of the american military scattered across the globe. the recent icc investigation into war crimes committed on afghanistan�s territory during the american occupation has produced a new surge of interest in this topic. but do icc investigations, in fact, target america�s military? using a global sample of cases the icc could plausibly investigate and data on the locations of all us foreign military installations, i examine how the presence of american troops in a country affects the likelihood of an icc investigation. contrary to the common narrative of anti-american bias, the estimated effects of us military presence are statistically indistinguishable from zero and substantively negligible. these results highlight the need to rethink america�s combative approach to the icc. 22. title: survey nonresponse and mass polarization: the consequences of declining contact and cooperation rates authors: amnon cavari, guy freedman abstract: recent studies question whether declining response rates in survey data overstate the level of polarization of americans. at issue are the sources of declining response rates�declining contact rates, associated mostly with random polling mechanisms, or declining cooperation rates, associated with personal preferences, knowledge, and interest in politics�and their differing effects on measures of polarization. assessing 158 surveys (2004�2018), we show that declining cooperation is the primary source of declining response rates and that it leads to survey overrepresentation of people who are more engaged in politics. analyzing individual responses to 1,223 policy questions in those surveys, we further show that, conditional on the policy area, this survey bias overestimates or underestimates the partisan divide among americans. our findings question the perceived strength of mass polarization and move forward the discussion about the effect of declining survey response on generalizations from survey data. 23. title: campaign contributions and roll-call voting in the u.s. house of representatives: the case of the sugar industry authors: kevin grier, robin grier, gor mkrtchian abstract: the question of whether campaign contributions buy roll-call votes is both important and contentious. although researchers often find positive correlations between the two, it is difficult to conclude that these correlations are causal because interest groups may be simply giving to their supporters rather than attempting to change members� voting behavior. in this paper we use a pair of votes on antisugar subsidy amendments to investigate the causal effects of contributions on voting. with multiple votes we can control for the supportiveness of the district or member by using fixed effects. we find strong evidence that changing contribution patterns caused significant changes in the probability that a district or member would vote to support the sugar industry (i.e., against the amendments). our results hold in both district and incumbent fixed effects models and also when we redefine the time window for measuring relevant contributions. 24. title: learning to dislike your opponents: political socialization in the era of polarization authors: matthew tyler, shanto iyengar abstract: early socialization research dating to the 1960s showed that children could have a partisan identity without expressing polarized evaluations of political leaders and institutions. we provide an update to the socialization literature by showing that adolescents today are just as polarized as adults. we compare our findings to a landmark 1980 socialization study and show that distrust in the opposing party has risen sharply among adolescents. we go on to show that the onset of polarization in childhood is predicted by parental influence; adolescents who share their parents� identity and whose parents are more polarized are apt to voice polarized views. 25. title: temporary disenfranchisement: negative side effects of lowering the voting age authors: arndt leininger, marie-lou sohnius, thorsten faas, sigrid ro�teutscher, armin sch�fer abstract: how does losing one s right to vote again after having been eligible to vote before affect political fundamentals such as political efficacy? we draw attention to the hitherto neglected phenomenon temporary disenfranchisement,� which, for instance, occurs regularly in states that extended the franchise to underage citizens in some but not all elections. if an election with voting age 16 is closely followed by an election with voting age 18, underage voters who are eligible for the former will have no right to vote in the latter. using original panel data on young citizens in germany and a differences-in-differences design, we find that temporary disenfranchisement results in a decrease in external efficacy, which remains even after regaining eligibility. our findings highlight an important side effect of selective voting rights extensions and bear insights that are relevant to other cases of temporary disenfranchisement due to residential mobility, citizenship, or felony disenfranchisement. %&-089;cfhijlu��ʻʪʘ�zf^qc5h�knh�kn5�ojqj^jh�"�hu<�5�ojqj^jh�ud5�ojqj^jo(h�"�h�"�o(&h�"�h�"�5�cjojqj^jajo(h@ 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