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��ࡱ�>�� ac����`��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� �r�b$bjbj�v�v2<�<�<t �������rr������������8 lv��m4jp����vmxmxmxmxmxmxm$ o��q:|m�|m����4�m��������vm�vm��������p��ě���r�bm�m0�m��qbv�q��^1�q� k8�|m|m���m���������������������������������������������������������������������qr �: american political science review volume 105, issue 2, may 2011 1. title:  hyperlink "http://journals.cambridge.org/action/?sessionid=116724c2fc3eeccda26a25b8ace53bf5.tomcat1" hobbes on the causes of war: a disagreement theory authors: arash abizadeh abstract: hobbesian war primarily arises not because material resources are scarce; or because humans ruthlessly seek survival before all else; or because we are naturally selfish, competitive, or aggressive brutes. rather, it arises because we are fragile, fearful, impressionable, and psychologically prickly creatures susceptible to ideological manipulation, whose anger can become irrationally inflamed by even trivial slights to our glory. the primary source of war, according to hobbes, is disagreement, because we read into it the most inflammatory signs of contempt. both cause and remedy are therefore primarily ideological: the leviathan's primary function is to settle the meaning of the most controversial words implicated in social life, minimize public disagreement, neutralize glory, magnify the fear of death, and root out subversive doctrines. managing interstate conflict, in turn, requires not only coercive power, but also the soft power required to shape characters and defuse the effects of status competition. 2. title:  hyperlink "http://journals.cambridge.org/action/?sessionid=116724c2fc3eeccda26a25b8ace53bf5.tomcat1" jurisdiction size and local democracy: evidence on internal political efficacy from large-scale municipal reform authors: david dreyer lassen and s�ren serritzlew abstract: optimal jurisdiction size is a cornerstone of government design. a strong tradition in political thought argues that democracy thrives in smaller jurisdictions, but existing studies of the effects of jurisdiction size, mostly cross-sectional in nature, yield ambiguous results due to sorting effects and problems of endogeneity. we focus on internal political efficacy, a psychological condition that many see as necessary for high-quality participatory democracy. we identify a quasiexperiment, a large-scale municipal reform in denmark, which allows us to estimate a causal effect of jurisdiction size on internal political efficacy. the reform, affecting some municipalities, but not all, was implemented by the central government, and resulted in exogenous, and substantial, changes in municipal population size. based on survey data collected before and after the reform, we find, using various difference-in-difference and matching estimators, that jurisdiction size has a causal and sizeable detrimental effect on citizens' internal political efficacy. 3. title:  hyperlink "http://journals.cambridge.org/action/?sessionid=116724c2fc3eeccda26a25b8ace53bf5.tomcat1" divide and conquer or divide and concede: how do states respond to internally divided separatists? authors: kathleen gallagher cunningham abstract: why do states make concessions to some self-determination movements but not others? this article explores the role of the internal characteristics of these movements, demonstrating that their internal structures play a major role in determining which groups get concessions. using new data on the structure of self-determination movements and the concessions they receive, i evaluate whether states respond to internally divided movements by trying to �divide and conquer� or �divide and concede.� consistent with the latter approach, i find that internally divided movements receive concessions at a much higher rate than unitary ones and that the more divided the movement is the more likely it is to receive concessions. yet, concessions to unitary movements appear to work better to settle these disputes. this suggests that states use concessions not only as a tool to resolve disputes, but also as part of the bargaining process. 4. title:  hyperlink "http://journals.cambridge.org/action/?sessionid=116724c2fc3eeccda26a25b8ace53bf5.tomcat1" deliberation, democracy, and the rule of reason in aristotle's politics authors: james lindley wilson abstract: deliberative democratic theorists argue that important moral questions turn on whether regimes are sufficiently deliberative. to attribute �deliberativeness� to a regime, we need an account of �deliberative integration� that connects such a holistic assessment to the acts or qualities of individuals and smaller groups. i turn to aristotle's politics for instruction in developing such accounts, arguing that he judges regimes according to how reliably they act pursuant to excellent common deliberation�a manner of excellent rule that i call the �rule of reason.� i then interpret aristotle's metaphorical argument for the �wisdom of the multitude� to establish the claim that democracies may best integrate citizens� deliberations. this interpretation illuminates aristotle's complex evaluation of regimes, including his ambivalent views on the rule of the many. it also suggests a structure for contemporary accounts of deliberative integration helpful even for those who differ from aristotle in their basic moral concerns. 5. title:  hyperlink "http://journals.cambridge.org/action/?sessionid=116724c2fc3eeccda26a25b8ace53bf5.tomcat1" does international law promote the peaceful settlement of international disputes? evidence from the study of territorial conflicts since 1945 authors: paul k. huth, sarah e. croco and benjamin j. appel abstract: in this article, we explain the role of international law in the resolution of territorial disputes from 1945 to 2000. in doing so, we focus on three outcomes of interest. first, when do states choose to revise the territorial status quo through negotiations instead of force? second, when are states able to reach a final settlement? third, when do states prefer a process of legal dispute resolution (i.e., adjudication or arbitration) to bilateral negotiations? to answer these questions, we argue that when the legal principles relevant to the dispute are unambiguous and clearly favor one side, a law-based focal point will emerge. this focal point, in turn, facilitates the settlement process by helping leaders overcome distribution problems, a central obstacle in reaching a final agreement. we find strong and consistent empirical support for our hypotheses regarding international law and peaceful dispute resolution. 6. title:  hyperlink "http://journals.cambridge.org/action/?sessionid=116724c2fc3eeccda26a25b8ace53bf5.tomcat1" on partisan political justification authors: jonathan white and lea ypi abstract: political justification figures prominently in contemporary political theory, notably in models of deliberative democracy. this article articulates and defends the essential role of partisanship in this process. four dimensions of justification are examined in detail: the constituency to which political justifications are offered, the circumstances in which they are developed, the ways in which they are made inclusive, and the ways in which they are made persuasive. in each case, the role of partisanship is probed and affirmed. partisanship, we conclude, is indispensable to the kind of political justification needed to make the exercise of collective authority responsive to normative concerns.     !",-4?@abclm�������ʹ�����p_f1f1f1(h2�hl�cjojqj^jajmh sh 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